From African Jungles and Deserts to the Forbidden Land, Tunisia

^{Khaled Tabbabi is a researcher in sociology and an activist with the Tunisian Forum for Social and Economic Rights. (FTDES). Translation into English: Hamdi Zaghloumi, specialist in English civilization and literature.}

^{This article was originally published in June 2024, in Artikel 14, a refugee policy journal. The article was published in Swedish. See also Artikel 14 https://artikel14.se, for a selection of articles. Edits have been made in the English text for the publication here."}

Introduction

"The struggle for freedom in Africa is essentially a struggle for liberation from hunger, disease, and poverty".^[1] (Julius Nyerere, the former President of Tanzania).

In a challenging economic and social climate characterized by high unemployment rates, public budget deficits, food insecurity, and the spread of diseases, many regions in Africa are experiencing exacerbated water scarcity and extraction in fragile ecological systems of dry lands,^[2] worsening desertification. Within this context, countries such as Sudan, Burkina Faso, Gambia, Guinea, and Niger, grappling with wars, disruptions, and political upheavals, have been pivotal factors in shaping and evolving irregular migration projects imposed by discriminatory border policies and deterrents of industrialized northern states.

The relations of hegemony and dependency and the process of neo-colonialism of the countries of the North, which are working to plunder African wealth at a time when the mobility of the people of the South remains a privilege rather than a right, are factors that accelerate the impoverishment and extermination of the majority of the African continent's inhabitants.

The journey of sub-Saharan migrants towards Europe takes place amidst this difficult political, socio-economic, and ecological backdrop. Tunisia, particularly following its security and political crisis since 2011 and amidst the repercussions of the Libyan crisis, has become one of the major transit areas for irregular migration towards the northern Mediterranean shore.

However, within a local context increasingly marked by populist sentiments against migrants, particularly intensified after July 25, 2021,^[3] and amidst European pressures on Tunisia, the country has become a hellish and graveyard-like destination for migrants. In this context, this article examines the reasons behind the growing acts of racism against sub-Saharan migrants stranded in Tunisia, as well as their deteriorating living conditions and the political responses.

I argue that Tunisian political authority and European migration policies apply a necropolitical approach to migrants. Political authority is the entity that governs and decides who lives and who dies. These approaches fall within the context of the dominance of the equation of producing whiteness and the construction of white humanity. The idea of "man being inherently white" is a historical and political equation within a cruel, brutal, and inhumane neocolonial mechanism. Therefore, the dramatic stories endured by migrants cannot be separated from the dominance of global imperialism.

The Discursive Structure as a Catalyst for the Growth of Racist Practices

The Tunisian National Party^[4] or TNP has conducted a racist campaign through social media networks since November 2022. This campaign has served as a catalyst for politicizing the issue of migration from sub-Saharan Africa in Tunisia. The campaign portrays sub-Saharan migrants as an imminent threat to the country, alleging that they endanger the local demographic composition and carry a colonial agenda. The TNP expresses its xenophobia and spreads hate speech and prejudice against this group. On December 28, 2022, the TNP circulated a petition demanding the expulsion of illegal African migrants from sub-Saharan Africa, as well as those who have committed crimes or threaten public safety. They also called for imposing entry visas on sub-Saharan nationals and abolishing Constitutional Law No. 50 of 2018, which aims to eliminate all forms of racial discrimination. The petition gathered over a thousand signatures.^[5]

The nationalist and racial campaign has facilitated to increase incidents of attacks on the sub-Sahran community: physical, symbolic, and verbal violence, theft, eviction from homes, assault, and rape, among others.^[6] These practices have worsened the already vulnerable and precarious situation of migrants in Tunisia.

On February 21, 2023, Tunisian President Kais Saied chaired the National Security Council. In his speech, he approached the theme of migration from an angle of securitisation and used racist language and framings. He stated that irregular migrants constitute a source of violence and crime, likening them to a colonial scheme since the beginning of the current century. He also uses the phrase "hordes of migrants," which exaggerated their numbers and fostered a climate of fear towards migrants. The number of native sub-Saharan residents in Tunisia has in fact tripled between 2014 and 2021, increasing from 7,000 to 21,400.^[7] It goes without saying that this figure lacks precision due to their movement between Tunisia the northern shores of the Mediterranean and neighboring countries, as Tunisia is rather a stop on the way then the destination.

The incitement against migrants is not limited to the Tunisian National Party or the presidency alone, it also resonates with other political actors. For example, on the program "From Tunisia Today" on Telvsa TV, on May 15, 2024, Bader Eddine Al-Gamoudi, a member of the People's Movement in the Assembly of the People's Representatives (a nationalist party), stated: "There is a Western colonial plan to settle migrants in Tunisia." The same parliamentary member also stated on IFM Tunisian radio in May 2024: "There are some suspicious non-governmental associations and organizations facilitating the settlement of migrants in Tunisia…” Al-Gamoudi considers what is happening in Tunisia today to be very similar to what occurred with Zionist immigrants in Palestine in the late 19th and early 20th centuries under occupation. This comparison implies a Western influence and hints towards a settler colonialist agenda.

The political discourse structure, whether from nationalist currents or emanating from the throats of populism at Carthage Palace, politically legitimizes aggressive and racist practices against migrants stranded in Tunisia. However it is important to mention that this xenophobic and racist push against migrants also drove the formation of collective mobilization, where social actors and some organizations advocating for migrant rights, led by the Tunisian Forum for Social and Economic Rights, organized protests demanding freedom and dignity for migrants.

The European Pressures and the Reinforcement of the Right-Wing Racist Approach

European pressure policies and border isolation are not a post-July 25, 2019 phenomenon. President Kais Saied consistently asserts in his speeches that Tunisia "will not be the goalkeeper for the European Union," while data indicates otherwise. While Kais Saied's rhetoric denies collaboration with the EU, his actions show loyalty with European policies that only exacerbate humanitarian crises.

In the politicization of the migration issue, Italy and other EU countries have succeeded in imposing more deterrent approaches. These approaches are evident through the signing of the partnership statement between Tunisia and the European Union on June 11, 2023, followed by the memorandum of understanding signed on July 16, 2023, at Carthage Palace. The agreement provides EU funding and resources to Tunisia in exchange for stricter border controls and measures to curb irregular migration to Europe. The memorandum outlines economic support for Tunisia, including investments and development aid, but is heavily focused on migration management, including the return of migrants and enhanced border surveillance. Both serve as a neocolonial mechanism for plunder and acquisition, presenting a blank check to a Tunisian political system seeking international legitimacy and reinforcing its authoritarian local approach by bolstering the capabilities of the Tunisian Ministry of Interior.^[8]

In exchange for some Euros, Tunisia hastened to implement the memorandum's provisions. In August 2023 alone, the Coast Guard thwarted approximately 4,427 irregular migrants, compared to 848 in July. The number of migrants intercepted in September rose to 8,781, compared to 3,407 in October and 3,982 in November. Figures from the Tunisian Forum for Economic and Social Rights reveal that around 21,200 migrants were intercepted on Tunisian shores from January 1, 2024, until the end of April of the same year. According to statistics from the Tunisian National Guard, approximately 30,300 migrants were intercepted by land and sea from January 1, 2024, to May 31, 2024, compared to 21,652 interceptions during the same period in 2023. According to Italian authorities, the number of arrivals to Italy via irregular means decreased by 60.8% from the beginning of the year until May 2024 compared to the same period in 2023. These interception operations are within the framework of the EU granting Tunisia 67 million Euros in September 2023 to finance the Coast Guard, maritime spare parts and fuel for other ships, as well as vehicles for the Tunisian Coast Guard and Navy and equipment operation training. These amounts fall under the memorandum of understanding, which is estimated at 150 million euros.

In the context of bolstering migrant interception operations, Tunisia issued Order No. 181 of 2024, published in the Official Gazette on April 5, 2024, to regulate maritime search and rescue operations. Ostensibly aimed at aiding individuals in distress at sea, the order masks significant human rights concerns, reinforcing a "deterrent borders" policy. It creates a broader framework for potential humanitarian violations in the Mediterranean, likely escalating confrontations between Tunisian Coast Guard vessels and fragile migrant boats, contributing to further migrant fatalities. Additionally, the International Maritime Organization (IMO) has adjusted the Tunisian Search and Rescue Area map, expanding the Coast Guard's operational zone to facilitate increased interceptions and returns, aligning with the European Union's restrictive migration strategy.

_{Map of the Tunisian Search and Rescue Zone:}

^{Source: IOM Website}

Moreover, European policies continue to enforce border violence leading to humanitarian tragedies. For example, the European Commission announced the establishment of a "Coast Guard Training Academy" In Tunisia. The project includes implementing a training plan, rehabilitating the physical training environment for the National Coast Guard, and enhancing cooperation between Tunisian authorities and all stakeholders, including EU agencies and neighboring countries. The project, initiated by the German Federal Police and the International Centre for Migration Policy Development (ICMPD) in January 2023, is expected to continue until June 2026, with a budget of 13.5 million euros. This training initiative contributes to border violence by providing the Tunisian Coast Guard with advanced interception techniques and equipment, prioritizing interception and return over rescue. This approach increases aggressive patrols and high-stakes encounters with migrant boats, often leading to forced returns to unsafe conditions, dangerous maneuvers at sea, and a heightened risk of fatal incidents, further exacerbating the humanitarian crisis in the Mediterranean.

In the same context, the International Centre for Migration Policy Development announced on November 17, 2023, the inauguration of the Joint Training Centre between border management agencies (NOFTA) for the three agencies responsible for border management in Tunisia (the General Directorate of Borders and Foreigners at the Ministry of Interior, the General Directorate of Border Guards at the National Guard, and the General Directorate of Customs).

Efforts to thwart migrant flows are nothing more than a security approach serving European interests. An article published in "Al-Charaa Al-Maghribi” (الشارع المغاربي) on June 11, 2024, 19 cited former Tunisian Minister of Interior Kamal Feki, dismissed on May 25, 2024, stating that the plan aims to stop migrant flows and seal off sea outlets for "our friends' gain," referring to the European side. Feki linked sealing off sea outlets to the upcoming European parliamentary elections, where immigration was expected to be a major issue.

Thus, Tunisia is merely a torn link in a predatory infernal machine, cynically participating in the project led by Europe. Libya, Algeria, and other Maghreb countries are similarly separating themselves from the rest of the African continent and playing the role of Europe's stooges. In exchange for some Euros, these countries contribute through punitive pursuits of migrants in the new global governance system for migration, imposed by Europe and its allies. The submission of Southern countries to Northern industrial diktats have also led to aggressive and racist practices against migrants stranded in Tunisia. What happens to migrants?

Migrants Trapped in a Jail of Double Marginalization

“Libya is hell on earth, but Tunisia is a hidden hell!”^[9]

This quote comes from an Ivorian woman and mother rescued at sea, who remained stranded in Medenine, Tunisia, near the Libyan border. Her comment reveals the plight of African migrants in Tunisia. Before July 25, 2021, migrants in Tunisia already suffered from various forms of racism and discrimination,^[9] in the course of the politicization of the migration issue–when political authorities officially adopted a discourse of hostility and hatred–Tunisia transformed from a hidden hell into an open nightmare.

On July 3, 2023, violent incidents erupted between migrants and Tunisians in the city of Sfax, culminating in the death of a young native of Sfax. These events served as a political justification for following punitive acts against migrants. Approximately two days after the incident, political authorities started to carry out evacuations in Sfax and deport migrants to the Tunisian-Libyan or Tunisian-Algerian border. Reports have revealed the discriminatory and inhumane suffering experienced by migrants at the Algerian border.^[10] Algerian gendarmes forcibly push them towards Tunisia by firing live ammunition into the air, while Tunisian National Guard forces push them towards Algeria using tear gas.

_{Tear gas used by the National Guard against migrants at the Tunisian-Algerian border:}

^{Source: Field work in the Mghatta valley border region with Algeria: The picture was taken on July 2023}

The Tunisian police and the National Guard carry out arrests and deport migrants to the borders and to olive groves without any legal basis. Security forces also seize their mobile phones, preventing them from contacting friends, relatives, or humanitarian and rights organizations. These repressive practices occur within a local context marked by a storm of despotism. Since July 25, 2021, the political authority has been carrying out a campaign of arrests targeting political activists, unionists, and migrant rights defenders, aiming to politically silence migrants and activists alike. Furthermore, Tunisian security forces forcefully arrested and expelled a group of sub-Saharan Africans on May 3, 2024, who were peacefully protesting for their legitimate rights outside the UN High Commissioner for Refugees office in Lake Tunis, the capital of Tunisia. These repressive practices are among the outcomes of the memorandum signed on July 16, 2023. Thus, the ideals of freedom and dignity that Tunisians defended in the winter of 2010-2011 have remained ink on paper, with no real progress achieved. Tunisia has transitioned from a state of exception to a state of exceptionality^[11] following July 25, 2021.

Despite some collective actions and international criticism, the Tunisian government has persisted in its punitive policy towards sub-Saharan migrants.^[12] Accounts from migrants stranded in the olive fields near El Amra reveal police brutality and arbitrary arrests of their friends and relatives. A Guinean migrant narrated to Nawaat, saying: "I entered Tunisia two months ago (around December 2023) through the Libyan border, heading to Sfax to work in olive picking to save money to cross the borders. During my stay in the olive field, I became terrified of the National Guards who came to the field, burned all our belongings, and arrested some of us." This testimony reveals the danger faced by migrants and the repressive measures taken by the ruling regime against them. In other words, it is clear that the ruling political system is against migrants.

In the southeastern region of Tunisia I attended a commemoration in the city of Zarzis on September 21 2023 for a shipwreck which occurred exactly a year before. Zarzis is a departure point for migrants heading towards Italy. At the event I talked to migrants from Chad and Sudan. In our informal dialogues their hardships became apparent: they reside sometimes for months under olive trees without access to water, food, or healthcare, awaiting interviews with the UN Refugee Agency in the Medenine governorate near Zarzis.

In Tunisia today, migrants encounter conditions no less bitter than those they fled. An Ivorian migrant explained to Al Jazeera Net: "We escaped unemployment and poverty, only to find ourselves living in inhumane conditions in these fields. We came with dreams but now find ourselves aimless, our goals reduced to securing a little water or food to satisfy our hunger."

Spatial Disparities: Imperialist Practices Employed by Tunisian Political Authorities

The Tunisian political authorities are working to exclude migrants and keep them away from urban areas and the "indigenous population." Migrants are being detained in olive fields, at the borders, and in peripheral areas. The isolation of migrants from cities, urban neighborhoods, and the amenities of life is seen as a discriminatory and colonial policy, reminiscent of the description by Frantz Fanon:

« The colonists' sector is a sector built to last, all stone and steel. It's a sector of lights and paved roads, where the trash cans constantly overflow with strange and wonderful garbage, undreamed of leftovers. The colonist's feet can never be glimpsed, except perhaps in the sea, but then you can never get close enough. The colonized sector is a disreputable place inhabited by disreputable people. You are born anywhere, anyhow. You die anywhere, from anything. It's a world with no space, people are piled on top of the other, the shacks squeezed tightly together. The colonized s sector is a famished sector, hungry for bread, meat, shoes , coal, and light. The colonized sector is a sector that crouches and cowers, a sector on its knees, a sector that is prostrate prostrate ».^[13]

One of the reasons for the expulsion and arrest of migrants in the olive fields of El Amra is the preservation of the security and aesthetics of the city of Sfax. He brutal practices of the Tunisian Ministry of the Interior leading to the suffering and expulsion of migrants to remote places with a lack of basic infrastructure show that the Tunisian government, post-July 25, 2021, employs a colonial and racist policy that contributes to, solidifies and justifies already existing racist tendencies in the Tunisian population.

Conclusion

Migrants are dreaming of boarding fragile boats to Italy, but those dreams have been shattered and buried. They now find themselves awaiting security buses to deport them to the olive fields of Jbeniana and El Amra in Sfax Governorate, or to the Tunisian-Libyan or Tunisian-Algerian borders. They are trapped between two hells: the Tunisian-Libyan hell, where migrants are caught between the repressive Tunisian police and the brutal militias and armed groups in Libya; and the Tunisian-Algerian hell, where Tunisian security forces confront them with tear gas and the Algerian gendarmerie awaits them with bullets.

Since July 25, 2021, Tunisia has become a hostile place for migrants. Their journey, filled with hope, quickly turns into one of pain. A Sudanese migrant told Al Jazeera Net that they "fled the horrors of war only to face the misery of cold, heat, and hunger. They now wish for death over such a life. Even their tents were removed by security forces, leaving them without shelter."

Decolonization is a historical process that does not end with the mere attainment of independence; it aims to eradicate a world of racism, capitalism, and imperialism, a world that is savage, harsh, and productive of inequality.^[14]